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2047促使年輕人改變香港政治版圖 - Harbour Times

2047促使年輕人改變香港政治版圖

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This article was translated by reporter Benny Kwok. The original ” Young politicians redefine HK debate as 2047 looms large ” was written by reporter Benny Kwok and published on April 20.


Sleeping giants often need time to wake them up. The giant of Hong Kong has reached the moment when it wakes up.

As in the 1980s, only a small number of Hong Kong people will figure out the political changes after the transfer of sovereignty in 1997. In recent years, even if Li Qidi wrote an article in Ming Pao about Hong Kong 2047 , and even the Hong Kong Daily reported on Hong Kong 2047 , this issue has only sporadic public reactions. After the Umbrella Revolution, the people of Hong Kong became confused and were not interested in talking about the distant future.

The June 4th Movement in 1989 made many Hong Kong people concerned about their fate after 1997. But in 2016, the Mong Kok riots and the subsequent emergence of the Hong Kong National Party forced Hong Kong people to focus on the longer-term future, including the demon of Hong Kong independence, and the fate of Hong Kong from July 1, 2047. Discussions on the future of Hong Kong have begun.

When Huang Zhifeng was 50 years old

The Citizen Practice Cultivation Fund held a forum last Friday (April 15) to discuss the conditions that make Hong Kong an international financial center today. When the speaker spoke, he did not shy away from politically sensitive issues because the audience present was an elite class. The Chairman of the Citizen Practice Cultivation Fund, Zhan Delong, in front of the Financial Secretary Tsang Junhua and HSBC Chief Executive Officer Ou Zhihua, not only severely criticized Leung Chun-ying’s government for ineffective governance, but also mentioned that political stability, the foundation of Hong Kong’s long-term success as a financial center, is being affected. Threatened.

Zhan Delong cited Huang Zhifeng, a famous student activist who appeared on the cover of the Asian edition of Time Magazine in October 2014 as an example. Zhan Delong said that Huang Zhifeng has only 31 years to fight for the future of Hong Kong. By 2047, Huang Zhifeng is only 50 years old, which is the golden age of his career, income and raising his wife and children. Zhan Delong pointed out that the uncertain prospects have made young people restless and Hong Kong’s politics have become radical.

Successful examples to inspire others

Young people and local organizations in Hong Kong no longer fear to use the self-determination of Hong Kong’s destiny or independence as their ultimate goal or political declaration. At first glance, it seemed like a talk, but they seemed to have gained some political power. On the front line of local democracy advocating Hong Kong independence, its candidate, Liang Tianqi, unexpectedly won 15.4% of the votes in the New Territories East by-election in the Legislative Council in February 2016. This is also the first candidate in Hong Kong’s history to win votes. If Liang Tianqi can maintain the number of votes in the subsequent Legislative Council elections this year, he has basically won the seat. This successful example of Liang Tianqi has inspired others.

Five days before the forum of the Citizen Practice Cultivation Fund, the moderate local organization led by the Youth New Deal announced the formation of an electoral coalition in the name of “Hong Kong People, Self-Determination for the Future” to prepare for the September 2016 Legislative Council elections. Even if the opportunity may not be great, this electoral coalition will push the government to hold a referendum on Hong Kong’s future in 2021, and Hong Kong independence is the option.

The Youth Political Election Alliance has clearly drawn new boundaries for Hong Kong politics and China-Hong Kong relations.

Young people have their own world

The Youth Political Election Alliance has clearly drawn new boundaries for Hong Kong politics and China-Hong Kong relations.

The Chuhe-Han boundary has been drawn between the pan-democratic faction and the local faction. Panminists support the “One Country, Two Systems” principle laid down in the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, that is, Hong Kong enjoys a “high degree” of autonomy and “the capitalist lifestyle will remain unchanged for 50 years.” In addition, the Joint Central Statement also emphasized that Hong Kong’s sovereignty was indisputably handed over to the People’s Republic of China.

The People’s Republic of China is no longer (no longer) the master of Hong Kong’s youth

The local faction believes that the Hong Kong public had no right to speak during the Hong Kong future negotiations from 1979 to 1984. Therefore, the legality of the Sino-British Joint Declaration is in doubt. After the People’s Republic of China was recognized as a member of the United Nations in 1972, Hong Kong was removed from the list of non-self-governing territories of the United Nations at the request of the People’s Republic of China. The local factions also questioned the legitimacy of the relevant resolution. Based on the above circumstances, in order to quell the dispute that the fate of Hong Kong is determined by non-Hong Kong people, the local faction proposed self-determination of the future to determine the political future of Hong Kong.

A turning point in the political debate

The relationship between China and Hong Kong is no longer a dispute over the definition and degree of “democracy”, but is similar to the situation in Taiwan. It has quickly become a dispute between unification (“one country, one system”) and separation (“Hong Kong independence”). Beijing officials and their mouthpiece warned that the Hong Kong independence movement would harm the sovereignty and national security of the People’s Republic of China. Local factions who do not agree with the identity of Greater China question the legitimacy of the nationality of the People’s Republic of China listed in their Hong Kong Special Administrative Region passports or entry and exit records, as well as their legal logic.

If you intend to buy a property in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories with a 30-year mortgage after June 30, 2017, you should pay attention.

2047 is also a land issue

Furthermore, the 2047 issue also brings uncertainties in this important part of land ownership. According to Annex III of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the land lease rights in the New Territories and New Kowloon (the Kowloon Peninsula north of Boundary Street) will expire on June 30, 2047.

Once the land lease rights expire, various problems will emerge.

Investors and the public began to inquire about the legal system for land titles in the New Territories and New Kowloon after July 1, 2047. The simplest and least controversial solution is for all sectors to agree to extend the current British legal system to, for example, 50 years. However, Beijing’s policy towards Hong Kong has become increasingly tough. It would not be surprising if Beijing finally enforced that the land laws of the People’s Republic of China be adopted in the New Territories and New Kowloon, that is, all land in the People’s Republic of China is owned by the state. Similarly, many land leases on Hong Kong Island and the Kowloon Peninsula south of Boundary Street will expire on June 30, 2047, and these lands may become legal gray areas.

If you intend to buy a property in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories with a 30-year mortgage after June 30, 2017, you should pay attention.

The unclear land title in 2047 will definitely affect Hong Kong’s economy (especially the real estate market). The economic development of the People’s Republic of China relies on Hong Kong, an important offshore financial center (state-owned enterprises, public-private joint ventures and private enterprises in the People’s Republic of China all rely on Hong Kong’s listing and fundraising, and the RMB internationalization strategy is implemented through Hong Kong). Once Hong Kong’s politics is unstable , The economy of the People’s Republic of China also suffered.

Trust me (or someone else) for 30 years

If Beijing can finally resolve the above doubts of Hong Kong people, no one will believe it. Owners in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province finally realized that vague and inconsistent legal provisions for title are a serious problem, and they are worrying about it.

Some property owners in Wenzhou found that the 20-year land use right certificate they held was about to expire, and they were forced to pay hundreds of thousands of yuan in “land use right transfer fees” to register new land use right certificates. This “land-use right transfer fee” ranges from one-third to one-half of the transaction price of the property.

This incident has become a national problem in the People’s Republic of China because of the conflict between the definitions of the “Urban Land Management Law” and the “Property Law” regarding the land use authority period. The “Urban Land Management Law” stated that the government has the right to take back land whose land use rights have expired and those whose land use rights have not been effectively renewed, without paying compensation during the period. However, the “Property Law” states that the land use right of residential land will be automatically renewed once the deadline expires. During this period, the government cannot forcibly recover the residential land whose land use authority expires without paying compensation. No one knows whether a similar situation will occur in Hong Kong by then.

The sooner the people of Hong Kong, the Hong Kong government and Beijing sit down to discuss and come up with a solution to the biggest uncertain factor in Hong Kong, the sooner Hong Kong and Beijing, as well as the international community, will have the confidence to invest in this jewel of the Orient. Young people in Hong Kong regard Hong Kong alone as one of the solutions to the series of problems after 2047. Investors also want to see a timetable for solving this problem. If Beijing takes a strong stance on sovereignty and only agrees to the removal of the border between China and Hong Kong, it will be difficult for Hong Kong’s young people, property owners or investors to have confidence in the future of Hong Kong. If there are other ways to solve this series of problems, I believe that many young people, voters and those willing to invest in Hong Kong’s future will listen to them.